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Wednesday, June 21, 2023

Ideology and Utopia

     You know the more and more that we mature, the more the stuff - all of the

stuff - we have gathered over the ages begins to weigh heavily on not only

our bodies but also our minds . . . .  And, eventually we make the move

to begin downsizing - going through boxes of old papers in the attempt to

determine what should be thrown in the shred-it bag this time . . . .  And,

ocassionally we find a paper of importance that we still want to keep.

     Such is the case with an 11 page paper that I wrote as a professional student for

Dr. A. Thomas Kraabel's “religious studies” class in the Classics Department at the University

of Minnesota almost 50 years ago.

     Why do I want to keep it?  It's a damn good paper and at it's beginning has Dr. Kraabel's

hand-writen determinnation - “60 points” ( out of 60 ); and at it's conclusion his comment

“Perceptive - You've been at this a long time.”

     In addition, portions of the paper relate parts of the background(s) to our

current political situation.

     The link above gives a good bit of Professor Kraabel's background. I am a

student of the Jewish background of Christianity to this day.

     In 1978, with the birth of my son, I named him Paul Thomas, his middle name

after Dr. Kraabel.
     The original paper was written on an old, portable, Smith-Corona typewriter and has Dr. 
Kraabel's
 notes  

scattered throughout in red ink.  I 
OCR'd
 the paper into a Microsoft .rtf file, edited it for readability in 

Libre Office Writer before exporting it as an HTML document.  Because of what I consider garbage in the 

generated HTML syntax, I ran the .rtf file through Open Office and also saved it as an HTML file.  Almost the 

same outcome.  So, I wrote the same paper in my slimmed down version of HTML for this presentation.

     If I recall correctly, then one of the questions for Takehome Essay A was 
Why are Plato and apocalyptic  

literature studied in this class?


     A note on sources:  An attempt has been made to present links to the latest sources which as you might

imagine after some 50 years may have been updated with pages added / deleted, etc.  I will be visiting various 

and sundry libraries ( and utilizing Inter-Library Loan ) to track down the exact location of a reference, 

so give this octagenarian some leeway in that task . . . .

Here it begins . . .
Peter Lawrence Boatman
Classics 3071
Professor Kraabel
Fall, 1976
Takehome Essay A

Ideology and Utopia


Part I

     Nilsson points to the importance of Plato for this course when he writes,
    
        . . . [ O ]nly one [ religious ] genius arose in Greece, Plato.  Even he wished to be regarded as a philosopher rather than as 
        a prophet, and he was accepted as such by his contemporarires.  The religious importance of his thought did not come to 
        the fore until half a millenium after his death, although since that time all religions have been subject to his influence.
1

     Because Guthrie points out the importance of the socio-anthropological perpective to his understanding of the task of the historian of Greek

religion,
2
it is not surprising to find Greek religion intimately bound to the city-state organization of society.  What should one expect, then, 

when that organization is called into question as it was, not only by the proponents of natural philosophy, mysticism, and sophism, but also by  

the fact of inter-state rivalry, beginning about 450 BCE? 
  
     Looking for the hot and cold on the continuum of response to this crisis, Guthrie suggests two possible courses of action:

          Either . . . join with the disruptive forces, consign the city-state with all its institutions and convictions to the past, and 
          out of the different elemets that had brought about the downfall build up a new society and a new religion to take its 
          place; or else . . . uphold the city-state, refuting its opponents when they were wrong, and using them only to add 
          strength to the framework when they were right and represented an element whose lack was a weakness in the existing
           order.  ( G:335 )

     In choosing the conservative option and upholding the ideal of 
a reformed society based on the purification and strengthening . . . of the  
        
city-state
” 
( G:335 ), Plato had to confront the three threatening movements of thought mentioned above.
    
          About 450 BCE, speculation concerning 
the One and the Many
 had culminated in the opposite extremes of Eleaticism 
          and atomism, the one declaring that all motion was illusion and the real world nothing but immovable plennum, the other 
          that the only realities were atoms and the void and all perceptible qualities merely subjective.  ( G:338 ).

     With the absence of absolute values and standards, the sophists held a sceptical attitude toward philosophical issues and concentrated on the 
    
practical conduct of human affairs.  This presented a problem for Plato, however, for if there are no absolute values or standards, then his conduct 
    
is determined only by what is most advantageous at the moment.  There is no final justification for his elite position in society.
    
     Faced with this ultimate concern, Plato argued that there is a reality apart from action, and that just like the atoms of the atomists it 

cannot be identified with any objects or actions in the perceptible world.  It is, in fact, an ideal world outside space and time; that which 

inspires us, our soul ( ψυχή ), really belongs to that ideal world.
3
[ 2 ]
          It has had many lives, and before and between them, when out of the body, has had glimpses of the reality beyond.  Death 
          is not an evil for it, but a release from imprisonment in the body enabling it to fly back to the world of Ideas with which 
          it had converse before its life on earth.  Immediately before incarnation it has drunk the waters of Lethe . . . and forgot-
          ten all or most of its knowledge of that other world; but in perceivng through the senses, which are now its only instru-
          ments, the imperfect approximations here below, it is daily reminded of the full and perfect knowledge which it once had. 
          All knowledge acquired in this world is in fact recollection, and once set on the way by sense-perception, the philosopher 
          will ignore the body as far as possible and subdue its desires, in order to set free the soul . . . and allow it to rise above the 
          world of sense and regain its awareness of the perfect forms.  ( G:346-7 )

          Platonism stood for a view of reality as spiritual, ideal, invisible; the external, visible objects in the universe being only
          copies or shadows of the invisible realities.4

     At first a principle of epistemology, Platonism carried over into the first century CE in an ontological form influencing, among others, Philo

and, in general, the Judaism of the Greek-speaking Jews of the Diaspora.

     A comparison of the following summary of Philo's thought with that of Plato's above will show Plato's influence on Philo:
 
          Philo maintains a sharp dualism of soul and body or of the rational and sensual elements in man, and insists on the necessity 
          of man's liberating himself from the power of the sensual.  Virtue is the only true good, and in regard to the passions apathy 
          is to be aimed at . . . .  [ M ]an's task is to attain the greatest possible likeness to God.  This is an interior task and so public 
          life is discouraged because of its distracting influence, while science is to be pursued only in so far as it is an aid to the 
          soul's inner life . . . .  The passive state of ecstasy thus becomes the highest stage of the soul's life on earth, as it was later 
          to be in the Neo-Platonic philosophy.
5
[ 3 ]

Ideology and Utopia


Part II


     One turns to apocalyptic literature.  Thanks to the rich promises of the Second Isaiah, the Jews who returned from the Babylonian Exile

looked forward to a glorious future, when all the sorrows of the Exile would be forgotten in joy and prosperity.  Promises!  Promises!

For the glory of post-exilic Jewry is the story of dreams that never materialized.  There were the short-lived successes of Judas

Maccabaeus, Simon, John Hyrcanus, and Alexander Jannaeus but not without internal strife which weakened the nation.
6
     
     Looking for the hot and the cold on the continuum of response to this crisis, Kee suggests two possible lines of development for the covenant 

people:

          [ I ]t could repeat the hopes of the ancient prophets, and leave to God the time and circumstances under which the promises 
     would be fulfilled, or it could assess the national calamities as the work of a demonic power opposed to God and shift the sphere   
     of the final triumph of God from the chronological future to the cosmic 
realms.7

     The latter of these two options is expressed in a genre of literature called apocalypse and then apocalyptic.
8

    For the past fifty years, the method of approach to this literature has been the phenomenological method of comparison.  The book of Daniel in 
    
the Old Testament is singled out as the earliest apocalyptic work ( 
ca.  166 / 165 BCE ),9 and its characteristics are noted.
[ 4 ]
     These characteristics are then contrasted with the characteristics of pre-exilic prophecy, and the conclusion drawn is that there is no

essential connection between the two types.  The picture one gets can best be illustrated as follows:
10

    Prophecy   Apocalyptic
Eschatology:   Native, monistic   Foreign ( Iranian ) and dualistic
Object of hope:   Fulfillment of Creation   Dissolution of Creation by a different type of world
Judgment:   Coming event announced to the unrepentant; not irrevocable   Unalterable final event with firmly fixed date

     One can go either of two ways to interpret the discontinuity between the lists, either view apocalyptic 
as a decadent late  

development with no religious worth ( Buber ) or as a new phenomenon without primary connections to prophetic Yahwism

( von Rad ).
”  ( H:15 )

     Pursuing the latter of these two options, one looks for an outside influence which is usually found in Zoroastrianism, an ancient Perso-
     
Babylonian religion mediated by Hellenistic culture and civilization to Palestine.
     
     Norman Snaith provides a brief sketch of the Zoroastrian conception of the world which we can use to understand its essential notions:
[ 5 ]
          The Persian ( Iranian ) conception . . . evisages four world-periods, or ages, each of 3000 years in duration.  In the 
          first age the creation was entirely spiritual and invisible.  From before the beginning there were two spirits, Ahura 
          Mazda, the good spirit, and Angra Mainyu, the evil spirit.  When Angra Mainyu saw the light of this first creation he 
          sought by every means to defeat the good spirit, Ahura Mazda.
          
          All the efforts which he made were unavailing during the second Age of 3000 years.  They were years of blessedness, a 
          veritable Golden Age.
          
          But in the third period of 3000 years the evil spirit gained an ascendancy and created every kind of evil thing . . . .  
          At the end of this period of 3000 years Zarathushtra ( in the Greek Zoroaster ) appears and the victory of Ahura Mazda 
          begins.  
          
          At the end of each 1000 years a deliverer ( Shaoshyant ) appears, born of the line of Zarathushtra, though earlier tradi-
          tions suggest that this Shaoshyant is always Zarathushtra himself.  At last there comes the great consumation when Angra 
          Mainyu ( Ahriman ) is cast into the abyss by Ahura Mazda ( Ormuzd ), and the end of the world takes place.  Then the 
          dead will be raised and all men will be judged.  Fire will descend from heaven and all things will be burned.  All men 
          will pass through this purifying fire, but finally all will be saved, and a new Age will begin with new heavens and a 
          new earth.  All will be happiness, and there will be no evil, nor sorrow.
11

     Most textbooks describe the essential notions of apocalyptic by drawing on the following list of J. Lindblom:
     
          transcendentalism, mythology, cosmological survey, pessimistic historical surveys, dualism, division of time into periods, 
          teach of Two Ages, numerology, pseudoecstacy, artificial claims to inspiration, pseudonymity, and esoterism.
12

     To which Russel adds:
          
          the idea of the unity of history and the conception of cosmic history which treats of earth and heaven; the notion of 
          primordiality with its revelations concerning creation and the fall of men and angels; the source of evil in the 
          universe and the part played in this by angelic powers; the conflict between light and darkness, good and evil, God
[ 6 ]
          and Satan; the emergence of a transcendent figure called 'the Son of Man' the development of belief in life after 
          death with its various compartments of Hell, Gehenna, Paradise, and Heaven and the increasing significance of the 
          individual in resurrection, judgement, and eternal bliss.  ( R:105 )

     Unfortunately, this method leaves much to be desired.
       
     Among its adverse results, Paul Hanson lists the following:
     
          (1) the sources of apocalyptic are misunderstood,
          (2) the period of origin is centuries off the mark, meaning that the resulting typology of apocalyptic literature is grossly inaccurate,
          (3) the historical and sociologicial matrix of apocalyptic is left unexplained, 
          (4) the essential nature of apocalyptic is inadequately clarified. ( H:7 )
13
 
     What then is “the sociological matrix of apocalyptic”?  Not surprizingly, it developes out of events not unlike those which 

stimulated Plato.

     The surrender of Jerusalem ( March 16, 597 BCE ) and its eventual destruction ( July, 587 BCE ) ( B:323 ff. ) were decisive events for the 
     
social history of Israel.  When the time came to restore the community ( 538 BCE ) (B:360 ff.), there were two groups suggesting models for its 

reconstruction.  The result, as often in time of crisis, was a bitter struggle for legitimization. 

     Briefly ( and over-simplified ), the argument runs as follows:  A unified eschatological ideal originating in a community sympathetic to

Second Isaiah is to be found in a polemical form throughout the last eleven chapters of Isaiah ( Third Isaiah ).  The polemical form suggests that
[ 7 ]
the prophetic community was engaged in struggle with the uneschatological community that controlled the official cult and threatened to 

compromise the eschatological ideal upheld by the prophetic group.  Because of the oppression suffered by the minority prophetic community 

at the hands of the "hierocrats" the prophetic oracle was transformed and the development of prophetic eschatology toward apocalyptic eschatology 

began.
14

          For what happens to a nation's eschatology which hitherto was construed in the historical terms of Yahweh's restoration of 
          the nation to its original political autonomy and integrity when that nation is no longer a recognizable historical entity,
          when the historical boundary demarcating Israel from the nations is replaced by the spiritual boundary setting Israel off 
          from Israel? . . .  [ R ]estoration was seen more and more as an event of the new era, an event losing connections with the
          concrete realities of history, an event removing the elect from any relation of responsibility to the present political 
          order, an event no longer interpreting divine action in the historical terms of Yahweh directing the destiny of nations and 
          kings, but tending to be viewed in terms of a more direct forensic intervention whereby Yahweh separates the righteous from 
          the wicked. ( H:150-51; cf. 209-10 )
          
     Viewed in this manner, the inclusion of Plato and apocalyptic literature in this class enables one to see two contrasting mentalities.  Plato 

a proponent of ideology, a member of the ruling class, so interest-bound to existing structures that he posits them as "absolute and eternal."  

And the apocalypticist, a proponent of utopia, a member of an oppressed group, whose thinking is marked by a harsh incongruity between the vision 

and the actual state of reality. 

     And, with Hanson, one can see the application to our own time: 

          When the utopian thinking becomes a direction for action, as it always threatens to become, it leads to the destruction of 
          existing structures in the attempt to realize the utopia.  It is thus understandable why representatives of the given order 
          try to render the utopian notions socially innocuous by confining them to a realm beyond history and society, where they are 
          unable to disturb the status quo.  But . . . in a period of national disaster, such control of the utopian impulse is no longer 
          possible, and therefore it bursts forth in new vigor.  (H:213)  

BIBLOGRAPHY
[ 9 ]





















































1  Martin P. Nilsson, Greek Folk Religion, p. 4
Plato is of extra-primary importance for this course because he found it profitable to employ his leisure time ( σχολή ) near the sanctuary of the hero

Academus, thus establishing the first European university.  Even in America the most recent statistics suggest that only one out of ten persons is
able to be similarly employed.  One wonders at our participation in this minority institution.

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2  W. K. C. Guthrie, The Greeks and Their Gods, pp. 16-17; 334
Subsequent references in parentheses following the quotes in the text, e. g., ( G:16-17; 334 ).

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3  Guthrie remarks, “. . . [ O ]ne of the most fruitful developments of twentieth-century anthropology has been a growing awareness that religion is a function of the whole personality, and that the personality is intimately bound
up with the contemporary organization of society.”  ( G:16-17 )

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4  Frederick C. Grant, Hellenistic Religions, p. xxvii.

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5  Frederick Copleston, A History of Philosophy, Vol. I, Part II, p. 205; cf. Charles K. Barrett, Editor, The New
Testament Background:  Writings from Ancient Greece and the Roman Empire that Illuminate Christian Origins
, Revised Edition, pp. 252-268.

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6  For fuller background on this, indeed, turbulent time, the Wikipedia article on Judas Maccabeus has sub-links for
most of the family members cited in the text for which this endnote was generated.

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7  Howard Clark Kee, The Origins of Christianity: Sources and Documents, p. 171.

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8  From the Greek: αποκαλυψις, meaning revelation; first used with this meaning in the New Testament Apocalypse
of John ( 1:1 ) where it is also first used to designate a book; cf. Edgar Hennecke, New Testament Apocrypha, Vol. II:
Writing Related to the Apostles, Apocalypse, and Related Subjects
, pp. 582 ff.

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9  John Bright, A History of Israel, 4th Edition ( with an Introduction and Appendix by William J. Brown ), p. 426;
    subsequent references to dates in parentheses following the dates in the text, e. g., ( B:426 ).

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10  Paul D. Hanson, The Dawn of Apocalyptic:  The Historical and Sociological Roots of Jewish Apocalyptic
     Eschatology
, Revised Edition, p. 5; originally in Martin Buber, Kampf um Israel; Reden und Schriften ( Berlin:
     Schocken Verlag, 1933 ), pp. 59 ff.; subsequent references to dates in parentheses following the dates in the text,
     e. g., ( H:5 ).

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11  Norman H. Snaith, The Jews from Cyrus to Herod, pp. 95-96.

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12  David Syme Russell, The Method and Message of Jewish Apocalyptic:  200 BC - AD 100, ( The Old Testament
     Library ), pp. 95-96.

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13  Cf. p. 6 where Hanson states, “The origins of apocalyptic cannot be explained by a method which juxtaposes      seventh- and second- century compositions and then proceeds to account for the features of the latter by reference
     to its immediate environment.”

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14  “. . . [ T ]he originally separate salvation and judgment oracles were fused into one hybird oracle, thereby enabling
     the visionary to deliver a word which was simultaneously a word of salvation and a word of judgment.  The Sitz
     Im Leben of this hybrid oracle was a new situation in the post-exilic community within which there was no one
     Israel being promised either salvation or judgment, but two Israels, one the object of Yahweh's saving acts, the other
     of his wrath and judgment.”  ( H:404 )

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Bibliography

Works Cited In the Text


Barrett, C. K.  The New Testament Background:  Selected Documents.  Harper Torchbooks.  New York:  Harper & Row, Publishers, 1961.

Bright, John.  A History of Israel.  2nd ed.  Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1972.

Copleston, Frederick.  A History of Philosophy, Vol. I, Part II:  Greece & Rome.  Image Books. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday
     & Company, Inc. 1962.

Grant, Frederick C.  Hellenistic Religions.  The Library of Liberal Arts.  Indianapolis:  The Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc., 1953.

Guthrie, W. K. C.  The Greeks and Their Gods.  Boston:  Beacon Press, 1955.

Hanson, Paul D.  The Dawn of Apocalyptic.  Philadelphia:  Fortress Press, 1975.

Hennecke, Edgar.  New Testament Apocrypha.  2 Vols. Edited by Wilhelm Schneemeleher.  Translated by R. McL. Wilson.
     Philadelphia:  Westminster Press, 1965.

Kee, Howard Clark.  The Origins of Christianity:  Sources and Documents.  Englewood Cl1ffs, N. J.:  Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1973.

Nilsson, Martin P.  Greek Folk Relig1on.  Philadelphia:  University of Pennsylvania Press, 1972.

Russell, D. S.  The Message and Method of Jewish Apocalyptic:  200 BC – AD 100.  The Old Testament Library.  Philadelphia:
     Westminster Press, 1964.

Snaith, Norman H.  The Jews from Cyrus to Herod.  New York:  Abingdon Press, [n.d.] -

Other Works Consulted



Copleston, Frederiok.  A History of Philosophy, Vol. I, Part I: Greece & Rome.  Image Books.  Garden City. N. Y.:  Doubleday
     & Company, Inc., 1962.

Hanson, Paul D.  “Jewish Apocalyptic Against Its Near Eastern Environment”.  Revue Biblique, 78 ( January, 1971 ), 31-58.

Mannheim, Karl.  Ideology and Utopia, an Introduction to the Sociology of Knowledge.  Translated by Louis Wirth and Edward Shils.
     New York:  Harcourt, Brace and World, 1936.
10


Schmithals, Walter.  The Apocalyptic Movement:  Introduction and Interpretation.  Translated by John E. Steely.  Nashville:
     Abingdon Press, 1975.

Weber, Max.  The Sociology of Religion.  Translated by Ephraim Fischoff.  Introduction by Talcott Parsons. Boston:  Beacon
     Press,  1963.

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